Wednesday, June 24, 2009

Sony Ericsson Phones – Tips and Tricks

These Ericsson codes will work on most Ericsson Mobile Phones,

Code
Description

*#06#
For checking the International Mobile Equipment Identity (IMEI Number).

*#0000#
Reset language back to English.

> * < < * ” to see all the texts available in your phone.

< * * <
SIM lock – Do not lock your phone if you don’t know the unlock code. This is another good check before you buy any phone, especially second hand ones. If phone is SIM locked, you may not be able to switch to other GSM operators.

Shortcuts

Save a Missed Call into
your phone directory
Scroll to “Missed Call”, press “Yes” to display the required number. Press any number (i.e. 0 to 9), then press “clear” once to clear that number, then press & hold “” twice to choose “Hide Id?” & then press “Yes”. Also works for pre-programmed & last dialled numbers just press “No” & wait for the number to appear on the screen first then follow same procedure

Check your battery
level when phone is off
Press “On” quickly one time & wait for the battery meter to show up!

Save a number into your phone memory (not SIM card)
Follow normal procedures to store a phone number. When prompted to set a storage position, press “#” once & key in desired location, or press “#” twice for next available position

Call a phone number from
SMS message
You can call from within a SMS message if the phone number is written in it. Just scroll the message until the phone number appears on the display, then press “Yes” to call



Source: www.feedcat.net

Gilad Shalit Release Talks Fail
And so it seems the campaign to release Gilad Shalit has come to the end of its current phase. With final push talks from the government of Ehud Olmert over with no successful result, the campaign nevertheless continues. Noam Shalit, Gilad's father is far from giving up hope and has set up camp outside the PM's office in Jerusalem until the end of the PM's term. The breakdown in the talks came as Israeli negotiators, Diskin and Dekel, reported that over the past few days Hamas had toughened its stance in talks over a possible prisoner swap, raising its demands and backtracking on previous understandings.

Israel and Hamas were apparently coming close to an agreement on the number of Palestinian prisoners to be released in exchange for Shalit. According to the sources, the remaining brunt of contention was which of these prisoners would be freed to the West Bank.

During a special cabinet meeting called to discuss the status of negotiations for the release of kidnapped IDF soldier Gilad Schalit, ministers were presented with a list of ten high-profile Palestinian prisoners which Israel was willing to release so long as they were not allowed to return to the West Bank or the Gaza Strip. The ministers were also read a list of prisoners which Hamas has demanded be included in the deal, but which Israel adamantly refuses to free. In an unprecedented move, the cabinet voted to publish the names of the latter ten prisoners. Below are the names of these 10 prisoners and the crimes for which they were imprisoned:


  • Hassan Salama - Given 38 life sentences in prison in 1998 for murdering dozens of Israelis in bomb attacks. Among other terror attacks, he planned an Ashkelon suicide bombing which killed a soldier, and two bus bombing attacks in Jerusalem in 1996 which killed 44 people.
  • Bahij Badar - Arrested in 2004 and given 18 life sentences for planning attacks which killed 18 Israelis. He is considered a major figure in the Hamas movement.
  • Abdallah Barghouti - Given 67 life sentences for his role in a string of terror attacks which killed 66 Israelis, and wounded 500 others. Among the attacks which he planned were the 'Sbarro' and Moment Cafe bombings in Jerusalem.
  • Mahmoud Hassan Ahmoud Arman - Convicted in 2002 for his direct role in a series of attacks which claimed 34 Israeli lives. Along with being involved in planning the Moment Cafe bombing, he was the architect of the bombings at a cafeteria in Hebrew University and a night club in Rishon Letzion.
  • Ibrahim Hamed - Convicted for his role in a string of attacks which murdered 82 Israelis and wounded hundreds more, including a 2001 double suicide attack in Jerusalem's Zion Square which killed 11 people.
  • Abbas A-Sayid - Until his imprisonment he served as the head of the Hamas movement in Tulkarem. He was convicted for a number of deadly attacks against Israel, including a suicide bombing in the Hasharon Mall in Netanya which killed 5 Israelis.

  • Mohand Sarim - One of the planners of the Park Hotel bombing in Netanya, which killed 29 Israelis and wounded 64 others in Passover 2002.

  • Ra'ad Hutari - Caught in 2003 and convicted for recruiting a number of suicide bombers, included the one who perpetrated the 2001 attack at the Dolphinarium in Tel Aviv, which killed 22 people and wounded 83 others.

  • Jamal Abu Al-Hija - Formerly the head of Hamas's military wing in Jenin. He was sentenced to 9 life terms in prison for his role in a number of terror attacks, including a car bombing near a Hadera mall which killed 2 people and wounded 64 others.
  • Mua'at Balal - Given 26 life terms for his role in a string of attacks in Israel, including a 1997 suicide bombing in the Mahane Yehuda market in Jerusalem, which killed 18 Israelis. He was also directly involved in the 1997 suicide attack on Ben Yehuda street in Jerusalem, which killed 8 people and wounded 200 others.
  • Reports on the Arab side of the presence in Cairo of the head of Hamas' military wing, Ahmed Jabari, might reveal the seriousness with which the organization is taking the present round of talks. But even in Hamas there are apparently opposing interests. For Jabari it is important to release as many senior prisoners as possible, The political leadership in Gaza wants the siege on the Strip lifted. Khaled Meshal, head of the Hamas political bureau in Damascus, might be more interested in the release of prisoners from the West Bank, so as to challenge the rule of the Palestinian Authority there. Hamas' leaders understand well the implications of the rise of a narrow right-wing government in Israel. They say they do not fear Likud leader Benjamin Netanyahu, but it is clear to them that he will have difficulty presenting them with a more generous offer than Olmert's. Further delays in closing the deal will also raise the level of bitterness among the families. But Monday night, at least, it seemed Hamas was having difficulty showing flexibility on the question of the number of prisoners to be expelled.

    The fate of Gilad Shalit has become a central topic of conversation in many Israeli homes over the past few days. The question, "what will happen to the boy?" is heard everywhere. The media is also enlisted almost fully in calling for the release of the soldier, marginalizing opponents to a swap. Support for a deal is legitimate, but even those who support it should ask themselves if those calling for release at any cost will be around to share the blame when some of those freed commit new attacks.

    Source: feedproxy.google.com

    Why I Gave Up Desserts To Become a Better Entrepreneur
    I haven't had dessert in eight months. It sounds crazy, I know, especially given that I'm not on a diet. I've been right around 170 lbs. for the last 10 years, with the exception of a brief period where a running injury forced me to take 6 weeks off (I gained 12 pounds). I don't need to lose weight, I am simply trying to become a better .........
    Source: www.weight-watch-blog.com

    Speed Up Gallery and Music Player

    1. Download attachment.

    2. Copy MGXDatabasePlugin.rsc to “C:Resource”

    3. copy 101ffcd2.txt to “C:private10202be9″

    4. Reboot the phone.

    Now Music Player will look for new songs in “E:sounds” only and Media Gallery will look for photos and vids in “E:images” and “E:videos” only. Both will be much faster. Also, when you choose the ringtone for a profile, you will see music files from “E:soundssimple” only, instead of ALL your music files.

    DOWNLOAD-speedup-gallery-and-music-player



    Source: www.feedcat.net

    Saudi Arabia and the Mumbai Attacks
    It is well known amongst Counter-Terror experts that Saudi Arabia has a two-faced policy towards terrorism. On the one hand it does everything it can to keep terrorism out of its own borders, though on the other it is more than happy to export and support it in other lands. The attacks in Mumbai in November last year have until now been associated with a group called Lashkar e-Taiba though it would be a mistake to think of this group as purely a locally supported group and not part of the bigger picture.

    Groups like Lashkar e-Taiba are supported in 3 ways by Islamic states like Saudi Arabia. The first is the ideology of global jihad. Saudia Arabia has an interest in exporting its ideology of Wahhabism to all the muslims in the world in competition with its Shiite opposition based in Iran. It does this export of Wahhabism through the Global Da'wa Infrastucture that it has been building up over the past 30 years or more. This infrastucture takes the form of Madrasas (Religious Schools), Islamic Centres, charities, mosques, conventions, leaflets, etc. This in and of itself is not so worrying, but rather it is the use of this infrastructure for the spread of Radical Islam that is cause for concern.

    The second is funding and support from external sources. Saudia Arabia is known for funding a lot of the Da'wa infrastructure and providing money to organisations which can be seen to be providing aid and support to those in need. Much of this financial support however also finds its way into organisations that have no intention for it to be used for aid, but rather to contribute to the global islamic jihad. The main root of this ideology was formed by Sheikh Abdul Aziz Ibn Baz.
    The third is a territorial base which enables them to conduct activities and maintain training camps.

    The notion of global Islam has also penetrated to Gaza and to some extent in the West Bank. This phenomenon exists under the umbrella of Hamas, which enables a revival of global jihadi organizations in Gaza such as Jaish al-Islam and others. The emergence of these groups is worrying because they are very much inspired by the global jihadi, Saudi Wahhabi ideology - a strict interpretation of Islam which is being interpreted into political and terrorist activity. What is important in this phenomenon is the radicalization of the already radicalized society in Gaza.

    The bottom line is that we are seeing the same pattern of global jihad-oriented groups starting to be active in Gaza. They have carried out some attacks, mostly directed against foreign, Western institutions like the YMCA and the American School. Yet they have played only a marginal role in attacks against Israeli targets.




    Source: feedproxy.google.com

    Alternate Hack

    1. Download all files to your MMC card (Pre-FP1/FP1 CapsOn/Off, HelloCarbide, Installserver.exe for OS9.1/9.2)
    2. Install HelloCarbide but don’t open it yet
    3. Open your browser (Eg. X-plore) and run in background
    4. Open HelloCarbide, select option–>>Menu1. You will get a message ‘Done…. probably’, select yes.
    5. Long press your phone menu and select X-plore from the background. Navigate to where you downloaded CProfDriver_SISX.ldd (to make work with CapsOn/Off and included in archive with CapsOn/Off) copy to C:/sys/bin
    6. Restart your phone.
    7. After rebooting, install now Caps On and Caps Off (you can install it in your MMC card)

    Now you’ll have access to system directories (Phone & memory card) whenever you select the application “Caps Off”. To turn off system file access, open the application “Caps On”.

    To install files without signing or using SignSis:

    1. Make sure you have system file access. If not, open the “Caps Off” application.
    2. Open X-plore locate & copy installserver to your phone memory to C:sysbin
    3. You are done. You can now install all unsigned application.

    Tested on N73.

    Pre-FP1 devices:
    ——————-
    Nokia N77
    Nokia E61i
    Nokia E65
    Nokia N93i
    Nokia N91 8GB
    Nokia E62
    Nokia E50
    Nokia 5500
    Nokia N93
    Nokia N73
    Nokia N80
    Nokia N71
    Nokia N92
    Nokia E70
    Nokia E60
    Nokia E61
    Nokia 3250

    FP1 devices:
    —————
    Nokia 6124 classic
    Nokia N82
    Nokia N95-3 NAM
    Nokia E51
    Nokia N95 8GB
    Nokia N81
    Nokia N81 8GB
    Nokia 6121 classic
    Nokia 6120 classic
    Nokia 5700 XpressMusic
    Nokia 6110 Navigator
    Nokia E90 Communicator
    Nokia N76
    Nokia 6290
    Nokia N95

    Note:
    - if you encounter problem in finding sys/bin, install X-plore & HelloCarbide on your phone memory.

    DOWNLOAD-RAR-hellocarbide

    DOWNLOAD-RAR-pre-fp1-capsonoff-incl-cprofdriver_sisxldd

    DOWNLOAD-RAR-fp1-capsonoff-incl-cprofdriver_sisxldd

    DOWNLOAD-RAR-installserver-symbianos91

    DOWNLOAD-RAR-installserver-symbianos92

    DOWNLOAD-RAR-installserver-for-5500

    DOWNLOAD-RAR-installserver-for-e50

    DOWNLOAD-RAR-installserver-for-e51

    DOWNLOAD-RAR-installserver-for-e61

    DOWNLOAD-RAR-installserver-for-3250-firmware-414-460



    Source: www.feedcat.net

    Lebanese Elections 2009
    With a general election on June 7th, Lebanese passions are running high. With blue for the party of the Future, orange for the party of Change and yellow for Hizbullah, the party of God, Lebanon's unusual democracy, based on quotas for each of the 16 recognised sects in its 128-strong parliament, has a tendency to explode, as it did during Lebanon’s gruelling civil war in 1975-90. The country is also a cockpit for wider struggles. With outsiders such as Iran, America, Syria and Saudi Arabia throwing their weight behind competing factions, the electoral outcome will inevitably be seen as a test of their relative strengths.

    America and its allies want the current parliamentary majority, a shaky coalition of Sunni Muslims, Druze and assorted Christians, to retain the hold it gained in the previous election, in 2005, when it swept to power on a wave of popular anger following the murder of Rafik Hariri, a five-times prime minister and Sunni strongman.

    Iran and Syria, whose peacekeeping army dominated Lebanon until its hasty withdrawal after Hariri’s murder, seek victory for the challengers, an alliance of disgruntled Christian factions led by Michel Aoun, a nationalist former general, and two Shia parties, Amal and Hizbullah, which field militias that harried Israel during its occupation of south Lebanon in 1978-2000 and which again fought against the Israelis in the Second Lebanon War of 2006.

    The outsiders are not subtle in their use of influence. America recently dispatched its vice-president, Joe Biden, on a quick visit. While expressing hope for a clean election, he held a private meeting with leaders of the current majority, known in Lebanese shorthand as the March 14th group, and hinted that a win for their foes could jeopardise the aid America has lately lavished on the Lebanese army to reinforce it in the face of Hizbullah’s militias, which remain superior in training, equipment and morale. For his part, President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad of Iran, which has showered equally large sums on its Lebanese protégés, predicts that their victory will bolster the “resistance”—to Israel and the West—and change the balance of power in the region.

    But although some opinion polls suggest a slight lead for the opposition, the result may well be close. Oussama Safa, a political consultant, reckons that, given loyalties within the sectarian patchwork of voting districts, the two main alliances are each guaranteed around a third of the seats, leaving only a third of them in play.

    Yet the result may not produce radical change. Since the 2006 war with Israel, the two main coalitions have become more polarised. The one led by Hizbullah says it won a “divine victory” against the Jewish state in the five-week war, whereas March 14th supporters still say the Shia militia must be disarmed and blames it for provoking an Israeli onslaught that caused widespread destruction.

    Last year Hizbullah and its allies, frustrated by March 14th’s refusal to bow to their demand for a blocking share of seats in the cabinet, humiliated their opponents by staging a swift takeover of Sunni strongholds in Beirut. This move prompted March 14th to climb down at a reconciliation conference in Qatar. But the fighting infuriated Sunnis, frightened some of Hizbullah’s Christian partners and has left the squabbling parties suspended in a precarious equilibrium.

    This, no matter what the election result, looks likely to be maintained, at any rate in the short run. Even if the March 14th group keeps a slim majority, it cannot counter Hizbullah’s street power under the charismatic leadership of Hassan Nasrallah. Nor can it stop Hizbullah’s quietly effective infiltration of key institutions, such as the army. In fact, some March 14th leaders already sound willing to accommodate their foes. The Druze chief, Walid Jumblatt, a weathervane of Lebanese politics and until recently a loud critic of Iran and Syria, has taken to exchanging compliments with Mr Nasrallah. A leaked recording of Mr Jumblatt in a private meeting revealed him disparaging his own coalition allies.

    Yet the opposition alliance has weaknesses too. The Christian supporters of General Aoun feel slighted by the March 14th coalition and say that it is corrupt, but regard their own alliance with Hizbullah as tactical rather than strategic. Despite verbal support for the Shia movement, few Christians, whose own militias from the civil-war era were largely disarmed, are comfortable about Hizbullah’s growing military strength. And Hizbullah itself is uneasy with parliamentary politics. Fearing that it might be blamed for any future government’s failings, including a possible collapse of international support for the debt-ridden economy, it is fielding just 11 candidates, down from 14 in 2005, and may even give up its two cabinet posts.

    Lebanon is used to fractious politics. Despite the years of turbulence, its economy is humming along nicely. It may tolerate another period of muddle and perhaps even emerge with a stronger centre, joining moderate parts of both the current coalitions. But the volatility is bound to persist. When a report in Der Spiegel, a German weekly, implicated Hizbullah agents in Hariri’s murder and in those of nine other people associated with March 14th, even the leaders of March 14th scuttled to defuse the bombshell, fearing the fallout across the country. Stability in Lebanon should never be taken for granted.

    Source: feedproxy.google.com


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